Over the last two years, the student has built a pro-democracy youth movement in Hong Kong that one veteran Chinese dissident says is just as significant as the student protests at Tiananmen, 25 years ago.
Echoing the young
campaigners who flooded Beijing's central square in 1989, the teen activist
wants to ignite a wave of civil disobedience among Hong Kong's students. His
goal? To pressure China into giving Hong Kong full universal suffrage.
Wong's movement builds on
years of pent-up frustration in Hong Kong.
When the former colony of the United Kingdom was returned to Chinese
rule in 1997, the two countries struck an agreement promising Hong Kong a
"high degree of autonomy," including the democratic election of its
own leader. But 17 years later, little resembling genuine democracy has
materialized. China's latest proposal suggests Hong Kongers may vote for their
next leader, but only if the candidates are approved by Beijing.
Wong is bent on fighting
the proposal and impatient to win.
"I don't think our
battle is going to be very long," he tells CNN. "If you have the
mentality that striving for democracy is a long, drawn-out war and you take it
slowly, you will never achieve it.
"You have to see every
battle as possibly the final battle — only then will you have the determination
to fight."
Doubt him if you like, but
the young activist already has a successful track record of opposition.
In 2011, Wong, then 15,
became disgusted with a proposal to introduce patriotic, pro-Communist
"National and Moral Education" into Hong Kong's public schools.
With the help of a few
friends, Wong started a student protest group called Scholarism. The movement
swelled beyond his wildest dreams: In September 2012, Scholarism successfully
rallied 120,000 protesters — including 13 young hunger strikers — to occupy the
Hong Kong government headquarters, forcing the city's beleaguered leaders to
withdraw the proposed curriculum.
That was when Wong realized
that Hong Kong's youth held significant power.
"Five years ago, it
was inconceivable that Hong Kong students would care about politics at
all," he says. "But there was an awakening when the national education
issue happened. We all started to care about politics."
Asked what he considers to
be the biggest threats to the city, he rattles them off: From declining press
freedom as news outlets change their reporting to reflect a pro-Beijing slant,
to "nepotism" as Beijing-friendly politicians win top posts, the
17-year-old student says Hong Kong is quickly becoming "no different than
any other Chinese city under central administration."
Democracy isn't dead, say
Hong Kong's activists
That's why Wong has set his
eyes on achieving universal suffrage. His group, which now has around 300
student members, has become one of the city's most vocal voices for democracy.
And the kids are being taken seriously.
In June, Scholarism drafted
a plan to reform Hong Kong's election system, which won the support of nearly
one-third of voters in an unofficial citywide referendum.
In July, the group staged a
mass sit-in which drew a warning from China's vice president not to disrupt the
"stability" of the city. In the end, 511 people were briefly
arrested.
This week, the group is
mobilizing students to walk out of classes a significant move in a city that
reveres education to send a pro-democracy message to Beijing.
The student strike has
received widespread support. College administrators and faculty have pledged
leniency on students who skip classes, and Hong Kong's largest teacher union
has circulated a petition declaring "Don't let striking students stand
alone."
China's reaction has been
the opposite: Scholarism has been named a group of "extremists" in
the mainland's state-run media. Wong also says he is mentioned by name in
China's Blue Paper on National Security, which identifies internal threats to
the stability of Communist Party rule.
But the teenage activist
won't back down. "People should not be afraid of their government,"
he says, quoting the movie "V for Vendetta," "The government
should be afraid of their people."
Compared to activists in
Hong Kong, activists in mainland China face a situation far more grim.
Few understand this better
than veteran human rights activist Hu Jia, 41. A teenage participant in the
1989 Tiananmen Square protests, he remembers witnessing the carnage in the
aftermath of Chinese government's crackdown.
"At the age of 15, it
made me understand my responsibility and my mission in life," he tells CNN
in a phone call from Beijing. "The crackdown made a clear cut between
myself and the system."
Tiananmen protester: I was
willing to die
Inspired to fight for
change, in 2000 he worked to expose "AIDS villages" in central China,
where unregulated blood trades were infecting entire rural towns with HIV. But
he paid a price: authorities jailed him for three and a half years for "inciting
subversion of state authority," then placed him under frequent house
arrest, where he remains today.
"Fear has been deeply
rooted in our genes through the past 65 years," he says. "The
majority of China's 1.3 billion people are not true citizens — most of the people
are simply submissive."
That's why Hu thinks Hong
Kong, with its relative freedom, is a perfect place for activists to spark a
democracy movement that could sweep all of mainland China.
"You can form
political parties in Hong Kong. You can publish books that are forbidden in
mainland China. The media can criticize the central government and the chief
executive of Hong Kong. "Mainland China is a
tinderbox that's been physically suppressed by the authorities, and Hong Kong
is a seed of fire.
"The Communist Party
is very scared of this tiny bit of land, because if true universal suffrage can
blossom in Hong Kong, it is very likely true universal suffrage will end up
happening in the mainland."
It's a dream that Wong
acknowledges. "I can't say we students striving for democracy now will
directly lead to universal suffrage in China," he says. "But at
least, universal suffrage in Hong Kong could be a pilot for the people in
Guangzhou, Shanghai, Beijing, and even the whole of China — it would let them
know that a Chinese society under the rule of a Communist Party can still have
a fair system."
Because of the high stakes
involved with challenging China, Hu says Hong Kong's activists should prepare
for the worst.
"Maybe the Chinese
government will one day send troops onto the streets, or even tanks," Hu
says, though adding the possibility of the military actually opening fire would
be "very small."
More likely, says the elder
activist, the Party might go after individuals like Wong himself.
"Joshua Wong could be
arrested, or jailed," Hu tells CNN. "I hope he understands this will
be a battle of resilience. It is not a fight, nor a skirmish, it is a true war,
in terms of the length of time it involves, its complexity, and the potential sacrifice
it might involve."
CNN
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